Two African countries. One’s stride for equality.

THE heat under the debate of homosexual rights in the United States grows warmer from one election to the next. California sat in the hot seat in May of 2008 when its Supreme Court upheld gay marriage; however, the measure was overturned by an affirmative vote of Proposition 8 during the November elections. While gay marriage is legal in only five states and the District of Columbia, progress is marked by acceptance. Observation shows that homosexuals in the U.S. face fewer cases of violence (violence being distinctive from hate speech) and atrocities compared to those in most of Africa. 

The contempt for homosexuals in Uganda is emboldened by extreme measures of anti-gay legislation and violence. Yet, the country of South Africa contrasts much differently in most respects to homosexuals. Certainly, South Africa nor Uganda compare to the more advanced governmental and social context of the U.S., but South Africa’s treatment of homosexuals separates itself from Uganda’s by a wide margin. As a result of more secure legal protections and quality of life for homosexuals, South Africa, despite being an African nation, is more conducive to supporting homosexuals than Uganda.

In 37 of 54 African countries, laws exist that permit criminalizing and making illegal homosexuality; most of these laws date back to British colonial rule (Ray 75). Uganda serves as a prime example of an African country that upholds discriminatory laws; the country still imposes charges against sodomy. In addition, several countries without written laws have governances that simply deny the existence of homosexuality altogether. As South Africa’s legislator supports marriages for homosexuals courtesy of a 230-41 vote, more than 37 African countries continue defaming, jailing, and murdering gays and activists. However, there is no concrete foundation for glorifying South Africa by any means; the country still faces degrees of homosexual oppression. The directive of this comparative analysis resides in a twofold premise: Uganda headlines a hate movement, while South Africa takes the stage of progress.

However, questions remain as to how and why South Africa has managed to mostly overcome a stigma of violence and prejudice seen throughout the continent of Africa. Moreover, why is Uganda, a democracy with legislative elections, promulgating the most notorious cases of violence and legislation against homosexuals? The answers to such questions rest in a side by side analysis of Uganda and South Africa in the context of government and conflict.

The population in Uganda fits several standards for a dangerous democracy set forth by Oxford University professor Paul Collier in his book “Wars, Guns, and Votes.” First, Collier notes that violence is more likely to occur when the population is predominantly made up of unemployed educated young men (Collier 130). According to the Central Intelligence Agency, 49.9% of Uganda’s population consists of persons between 0-14 year of age with 8,692,239 being male and 8,564,571 being female. 48.1% of the population is between the ages of 15-64 with a near 50-50 split of males to females. This leaves a median age among the Ugandan population at 15.1 years (The World Factbook). With the third largest growth rate in the world, 35% of the population is below the poverty line (The World Factbook). 

Such youthful origins of violence is communicated in journalist Elizabeth Day’s article “Why was I born gay in Africa?” Day reports the struggles of homosexuals by featuring Florence Kizza, a Ugandan lesbian. As Kizza approached a “marriageable age,” she says those in her Ugandan community began questioning her sexuality (Day 1). Day writes that in “December 2000, neighbors broke into [Kizza’s] house and found her in bed with [her partner]. The villagers stripped the two women naked, paraded them through the streets and then beat them in front of a baying crowd” (Day 1). A year later, Kizza was arrested by police officers who over a three day period beat and raped her (1). Fortunately, Kizza fled to the United Kingdom where she now enjoys refugee status. According to Day, her partner’s whereabouts remain uncertain. This is one example among many in Uganda where a young community sparks vicious acts of violence.

On the other hand, the population statistics in South Africa appropriately fail to align with those in Uganda. The CIA reports that only 28.5% of South Africa’s population is between the ages of 0-14, and 65.8% are between 15-64 years of age (The World Factbook). While 50% of the country falls beneath the poverty line, South Africa ranks 220th in the world for population growth (The World Factbook). The fact that South Africa reports a higher population below the poverty line than Uganda, but fails to host similar violence is qualified by Collier’s description of “causality” (Collier 124). He explains that low-income is not necessarily the definite link of violence, because of the many other causal links to low-income, for example economic growth rates (Collier 125). Therefore, in South Africa, the high level of poverty does not necessarily cause violence. Rather, it is more likely that the smaller population of youth causes the modest level of violence in South Africa.

Furthermore, University of the Western Cape professor Kelvin Mwaba’s report “Attitudes and Beliefs About Homosexuality and Same-sex Marriage Among a Sample of South African Students” indicates another distinction that can be made from Uganda. The report Mwaba compiled finds that of 150 undergraduate students polled, 71% “viewed same- sex marriages as strange and supported religious groups opposed to such marriages” (Mwaba 801). However, 83% of those polled were women (Mwaba 802). The potential indicator of violence that Collier mentions says young men tend to be the perpetrators not women. In addition, the report shows a drop to 37% of the polled supporting outright discrimination against homosexuals (803). While attitudes towards gays in South Africa face obstacles, the construct for violence presented by Collier seems less likely in South Africa than that of Uganda.

A second aspect that Collier points to for a country’s risk of falling into civil war or being more apt for violence is a past history of such things. Collier says that there is “a risk of violence caused by the gradually decaying effects of previous violence than by something underlying and constant” (Collier 129). Like most African countries, Uganda and South Africa have histories of violence. However, the conditions of such violence are drastically different between the two countries. In Uganda, there is “a wide range of ethnic groups with different political systems and cultures” (The World Factbook). Collier mentions how vast diversity can cripple a country, and for Uganda it did. In the 1970s, the “dictatorial regime of Idi Amin was responsible for the deaths of some 300,000 opponents...” Then from 1980-85, “guerilla war and human rights abuses under Milton Obote claimed at least another 100,000 lives” (The World Factbook). Collier says that “Amin had not only wrecked the Ugandan economy, he had suffered the ignominy of being deposed through an invasion by Tanzania...” (Collier 183).

While Uganda faces a past stained by violence, Collier touts current President Yoweri Museveni, the successor of President Amin. Since taking power in 1986, Collier says that “President Museveni has achieved a remarkable transformation. Despite being landlocked and resource-scarce, Uganda has been one of the fastest-growing of Africa’s economies” (Collier 182). Yet, the oppression pressed upon homosexuals in Uganda is not one reveled by President Museveni. This makes sense, because Museveni is not in a position where he must scapegoat a minority to compensate for a poor economy. For example, in Zimbabwe, President Robert Mugabe said  homosexuality “‘degrades human dignity. It’s unnatural, and there is no question ever of allowing these people to behave worse than dogs and pigs’” (Ray 75). Whether Mugabe believes in this homophobic sentiment is irrelevant, he masks his country’s economic woes with social conflict. Even though Uganda lacks such a homophobic figure head, the country’s majority party (which Museveni belongs to) picks up the slack.

Ben Anderson writes in his article “The Politics of Homosexuality in Africa” that “no other comparative geo-political region, such as Asia or the America’s, has such a high rate of anti-gay legislation” (Anderson 126). Uganda’s parliament is steadfast on approving the most notorious of the anti-gay legislation from Africa. David Bahati has proposed a bill that exclaims the death penalty be used on those who commit ‘homosexual acts.’ The legislation states that it “‘further recognizes the fact that same sex attraction is not an innate and immutable characteristic.’ But only if sexual orientation is voluntary can a person be held accountable for his or her choice” (Rausing 22).  

Sigrid Rausing asserts in his article “Uganda is sanctioning gay genocide” that “[persons] no more choose to be gay or bisexual than you choose to be left-handed or ambidextrous; it’s a morally neutral position” (Rausing 22). Furthermore, the anti-gay legislation, according to Rausing, “addresses only the ‘offender’, as though in gay relationships there is only ever a perpetrator” (22). This first time offender would be subject to imprisonment for life according to the bill. Which then leads to the offense of “aggravated homosexuality,” these persons are considered “serial offenders” (22). In essence, the anti-gay legislation subjects those who are homosexual prior to the bill’s existence will face the the death penalty. Rausing explains that “anyone who is a confirmed gay man or lesbian and already has a sexual history faces the death penalty, alongside homosexual rapists and child abusers” (22). Also, if a Ugandan knows of a homosexual, he or she must inform authorities 24 hours after inception of the knowledge, or otherwise also face a prison sentence (22). As a result of the offender-victim scenario in the bill, partners will be forced to choose “between ‘victim’ or ‘offender’; the former protected [by the government and paid [by the offender], the latter imprisoned or killed” (22).

The distasteful and heinous anti-gay legislation promotes practices similar to Nazi law. In addition, journalist Carina Ray writes in her article “Confronting Homophobia” that “at a time when the fallout from the decade-long civil war... has not been... dealt with, it seems almost criminal that Uganda is trying to pass draconian anti-gay legislation” rather than focus on reconstruction (Ray 75). Following international pressure, the BBC reports that President Museveni “said the bill was now a ‘foreign policy issue’ and would be discussed by the cabinet” (Uganda 1). The same article says that Sweden and other countries threatened to cut aid to the country (Uganda 1). In a meeting with ruling party members, Museveni exclaimed that country leader after country leader had contacted him about the legislation. He said, ‘“Mrs. Clinton [the US secretary of state] rang me. What was she talking about? Gays’” (Uganda 1). In a country where homosexuality is already punishable by 14 years in prison, the legal protections for homosexuals would be grossly dehumanized under this legislation.

In contrast, the legal protections for homosexuals in South Africa are awesomely stronger. Mark Massoud highlights in his article “The Evolution of Gay Rights in South Africa” that “in 1996, the South African government approved a new constitution. In addition to ending de jure apartheid [the segregation of blacks], it was the first in the world to protect the rights of homosexuals” (Massoud 301). This implementation of a homosexual legal protection in the law of the land in itself transcends any of the attitudes of the population. Furthermore, South Africa worked to sew the division of legality versus social attitudes; therefore, rising an additional success for homosexuals. Massoud writes that “the space between a progressive legal code and a conservative society became the arena for action by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) between 1994 and 1998” (Massoud 301). The “Gay and Lesbian Equality Project” (or the ‘Coalition’) found gains in lobbying for the removal of sodomy laws (301). Campbell Lyons, executive director of Khululekani Institute for Democracy, explains that the National Party (former apartheid supporters), the African National Congress (ANC), and others negotiated a “constitution, and the democratic government... [that] attempted to remedy past injustices by guaranteeing equal rights for all” (302). In large part, South Africa noted its past and acted in a manner to assure that all persons, no matter how diverse, would not be discarded from legal protections.

The empathy effect in the South African governmental renewal continues to set the country from the rest of the continent. South African Justice Edwin Cameron wrote an article in 1993 that demonstrated this very concept of empathy. The article entitled “Sexual Orientation and the Constitution: A Test Case for Human Rights” made equal “sexual discrimination with the racial injustice that existed under the apartheid regime. [Justice Cameron] suggested that racism, sexism, and homophobia fostered similar negative consequences: a breakdown of rights and equality” (303). The Coalition claims that Cameron’s remarks motivated top political players to liberalize their views (303). However, they still had to overcome the social attitudes in order to solidify their momentum of removing sodomy laws. Massoud says that “by 1998 the Coalition was at the forefront of the growing group of NGOs dedicated to empowering South Africans to recognize, understand, and demand their new rights in court” (305). The education campaign led by the NGOs eventually harnessed victory in the Constitutional Court case National Coalition for Gay and Lesbian Equality v. Minister of Justice of 1998 (305). 

Further, homosexuals in South Africa found another legal victory in 2006. Joining only Argentina, Belgium, Canada, Iceland, The Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, and Sweden, South Africa’s parliament per the direction of the Constitutional Court approved gay marriage for the entire country by an overwhelming majority (Fastenberg 1). In a continent that is haunted by anti-gay laws, prosecutions, violence, and injustice, South Africa further extends opportunity, legal protection, and quality of life for homosexuals. Hence, emphasizing its polar opposition to the homophobic Uganda.

Even with the record of NGO success and critical historical attitude in South Africa, the question of what forces and influences have prompted the proposals and violence in Uganda remain. Thus far, sodomy laws and homophobic notions have been linked to British colonization; however, Collier dismisses this as a qualifier for violence and social stigmas. He says, “...there is a ready demand for evidence that colonialism is responsible for the subsequent violence. Unfortunately, Anke and I cannot find evidence that supports this contention” (Collier 128). Instead, a combination of components influence the decisions and violence in Uganda.

First, weakness in Uganda’s constitution have been exposed by actions taken by President Museveni. Whereas South Africa undoubtedly associates with a strong constitution, Uganda lacks the necessary fortitude. Collier notes that the ease by which a president abolishes term limits serves as a “good measure of how vigorously the society had built constitutional defense” (Collier 150). Unfortunately for Uganda, President Museveni “succeeded in abolishing them...” (150). Secondly, Western religious influences factor into enraging homophobia in Uganda.  Western evangelicals’ presence have increased tensions in many African countries, while for the most part not influencing South Africa. According to Anglican priest Rev. Kapya Kaoma from Zambia, “renewal church movements [from the United States] are exporting their homophobic doctrine to churches in Uganda, Kenya, and Nigeria” (Ray 75). For example, Scott Lively, Caleb Lee Brundidge and Don Schmierer, three American evangelicals, met with Uganda’s ruling party to’ indirectly’ encourage the passing of the anti-gay legislation (Johnson 1). The three have described homosexuality “as a disease that could be healed, although they have subsequently disclaimed any responsibility for the bill” (Johnson 1). Lively, Brundidge and Schmierer also authored propaganda communicated through different international organizations. Lively serves as the President of Defend the Family International; he declared that “legalising homosexuality would mean legalising ‘the molestation of children and having sex with animals’” (1). Additionally, Brundidge works with the International Healing Foundation as a “sexual reorientation coach”; he “claims once to have been gay himself” (1).

Most importantly, the Western evangelical message is resonating within a culture that stands closely to religion. RW Johnson indicates in his article “West turns Africa into gay battlefield” that Museveni’s minister for ethics “says homosexuality is a ‘moral perversion that must not be allowed to spread’” (1). Ugandan churches echo these sentiments; “Archbishop Henry Orombi and Pastor Martin Sempe have been leading a campaign in support of the bill” (1). Retired bishop Christopher Senyonjo who preached acceptance experienced the intolerance of the Church of Uganda when it “stripped him of his pension” (1). Between a preexisting homophobia and many financial incentives for African clergy “who pump up the volume of their anti-gay rhetoric”, Western evangelicals are amplifying their message in Uganda (Ray 75). Lively told a Ugandan audience that he “‘knows more than almost anyone in the world’ about homosexuality. He says that the genocide in Rwanda was carried out by gays, [and] that AIDS is a just punishment for homosexuality...” (Johnson 1). With such extreme legislation being considered in Ugandan parliament, Lively’s message has reached his target audience.

In South Africa, archbishop emeritus of Cape Town and 1984 Nobel Peace Prize winner Desmond Tutu aligned himself as a religious voice for homosexuals. Even in 1996, Tutu sounded his support for the homosexual equalities in the South African constitution. He said, “it would be a sad day... if... the Final Constitution did not guarantee their fundamental human right to a sexual life, whether heterosexual or homosexual” (Massoud 303). Recently, Tutu offered his resentment of Uganda’s treatment of homosexuals and proposed anti-gay legislation. He says, “the wave of hate must stop. Politicians who profit from exploiting this hate... must not be tempted by this easy way to profit from fear and misunderstanding. And my fellow clerics, of all faiths, must stand up for principles of universal dignity and fellowship. Exclusion is never the way forward on our shared paths to freedom and justice” (Tutu 1). Tutu also mentions the impacts homophobia has on treatment for those with HIV/AIDS; driving persons into hiding rather than medical facilities (Tutu 1). Finally, he asserts an impacting word to the religious community; “I would never worship a homophobic God” (1).

One final medium for Uganda’s hatred and intolerance is born in the media. CNN’s Tom Walsh writes that a Ugandan tabloid Rolling Stone (not to be mistaken with the US magazine)released a list of ‘top 100 homosexuals’ in the country (Walsh 1). With photos and addresses published, an accompanying banner read “Hang Them”; the tabloid later stated it meant for hangings to follow legal procedures (Walsh 1-2). One of Uganda’s leading gay rights activist was included on this list. A year later, David Kato was found “bludgeoned to death in his home near the capital” (1). In an interview with CNN following the release of the list and prior to his death, Kato shared a fear for his life. He said, “The villagers want to set my house ablaze. They want to burn my house” (1). 

Conclusively, these ruthless conditions for homosexuals in Uganda have detailed the deep contrast with South Africa’s continuing progress for homosexual equality. While Uganda slips away into Western evangelical influence, anti-gay legislation, and media led ‘outing campaigns,’ South Africa moves forward with a constitution that guarantees legal protection, the passage of gay marriage, and NGOs that drew off of the aspects of global tolerance for homosexuals. Between the ongoing violence and distasteful opinions in Uganda and its neighbors, progress is far away from being realized. A staunch ignorance stifles any alleviation to the dehumanization of homosexuals. South Africa must stand as an example of triumph and progress for gays. Uganda and others need note that homosexuals deserve a voice. They deserve acceptance. They deserve legal protections. And most of all, they deserve their humanity.

Works Cited

Anderson, Ben. “The Politics of Homosexuality in Africa.” Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. Web.

Collier, Paul. Wars, Guns, and Votes: Democracy in Dangerous Places. New York: Harper Perennial, 2010. Print.

Day, Elizabeth. "'Why Was I Born Gay in Africa?'" Guardian. 27 Mar. 2011. Web. 17 Apr. 2011. <http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/mar/27/uganda-gay-lesbian-

immigration-asylum>.

Fastenberg, Dan. "A Brief History of International Gay Marriage - TIME." International Gay Marriage. TIMEs Newspapers Ltd 2010, 22 July 2010. Web. 04 May 2011.<http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2005678,00.html>.

Johnson, RW. "West Turns Africa into Gay Battlefield." The Times. Times Newspapers Ltd 2010, 17 Jan. 2010. Web. 17 Apr. 2011. 

<http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/africa/article6991023.ece>.

Mwaba, Kelvin. "Attitudes and Beliefs About Homosexuality and Same-Sex MarriageAmong a Sample Of South African Students." Social Behavior & Personality: An International Journal 37.6 (2009): 801-804. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 11 Apr. 2011.

Rausing, Sigrid. "Uganda is sanctioning gay genocide." New Statesman 138.4976 (2009): 22. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 11 Apr. 2011.

Ray, Carina. "Confronting homophobia." New African 492 (2010): 74-75. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 11 Apr. 2011.

The World Factbook 2009. Washington, DC: Central Intelligence Agency, 2009. 

<https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/index.html>.

Tutu, Desmond. "In Africa, a Step Backward on Human Rights." The Washington Post. 12 Mar. 2010. Web. 17 Apr. 2011. <http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/

content/article/2010/03/11/AR2010031103341.html>.

“Uganda President Museveni wary of anti-gay bill.” BBC News. 13 Jan. 2010. Web. 04 May 2011. <http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/8456624.stm>.

Walsh, Tom. "Ugandan Gay Rights Activist Bludgeoned to Death." CNN. 27 Jan. 2011. Web. 17 Apr. 2011. <http://articles.cnn.com/2011-01-27/world/

uganda.gay.activist.killed_1_gay-rights-homosexuals-human-rights-watch?

_s=PM:WORLD>.

Maine 1st District Congressional Election: 2010

Maine: GOP surges, not in Congressional election

Maine’s 1st Congressional District offered one of the few Democratic victories on the night of November 2, 2010. The race between Democrat incumbent Chellie Pingree and Tea-party endorsed Republican challenger Dean Scontras removed itself from the national--and Maine--voting trends. The contrary election results supported the notion that voters from Maine support the candidate rather than the national discourse. As Paul S. Herrnson says in Congressional Elections, “Congressional elections are affected by perceptions of the performance of government” (Herrnson 1). While much of the country saw Republicans as change for an ill-perceived legislator, Maine granted Pingree a positive perception of her first two years as a United States Representative.

Maine’s 1st District includes the counties of Cumberland, Kennebec, Knox, Lincoln, Sagadahoc, and York. Its demographics remain on par with United States averages, except for race and ethnicity breakdown according to the New York Times’ District profile. The 1st District has a 95% white population opposed to the United States’ 65.9%, a 1.1% black population opposed to 12.1% on the national scale, and a 1.4% hispanic population opposed to 15.1%. The $53,324 median income of District 1 nearly mirrors the U.S.’ median of $52,175. In addition, the 65 and older population comes in just 2% higher than the U.S.’ 12.6% (Maine Profile 1). Appealing to the white middle-class worker, and elderly population is key based on the demographical date provided.

In terms of the 675 Republican gains in state legislators, Maine followed suit giving both the State House and Senate to the Republicans (Baiz 1). As Herrnson says, with the impatience of a slowly rebounding economy, “The president’s party has historically lost congressional seats in midterm elections when economic trends are unfavorable...” (Herrnson 25).  Taking advantage of the impatience, the GOP gained 60 seats in the U.S. House. In conjunction, Republicans have control of Maine’s capital Augusta for the first time since 1970; Republican governor-elect Paul LePage provides his party with both the Blaine House and Maine legislator for the first time since 1960 (Robinson1). However, the success by the Republican candidates in both the state legislative and gubernatorial races failed to coordinate with the U.S. House races. This failure by the GOP in Maine comes with a history of Mainers voting against the tide of massive congressional power shifts.

Pingree defeated Scontras in 2010’s election by a 166,196 (55%) to 126,218 (43%) count (Races 1).  In 2008, Republican Senator Susan Collins shared similar success despite a large wave of support for Democrats. In congressional District 1, Collins received 234,708 (59%) votes to Democrat Tom Allen’s 165,220 (52%). Collins success in this district underlines why she won 444,300 to 279,510. District 1 backs Democrats more often than not and by large margins. Scontras’ 43% of the vote in 2010 compared to Collins’ 59% in 2008 expresses a difference of 16%; meaning that a significant number of Democrats voted for Collins in 2008, but did not vote for Scontras in 2010. While 107,514 less voters contributed to the tallies in the 2010 election, it cannot be easily assumed that these are Collin supporters who stayed home (Election Results).

Furthermore, data associated to the 1994 mid-term elections, a more microscopic look at the 2008 election, and 2010 elections exemplify Maine voters shying away from the voting trends of the election cycle. Using Maine’s largest city Portland as a measure of Democratic success, because of the city’s tendency to share more liberal values, hence their 73% support for gay marriage (the highest in the state during 2008 referendum that failed according to Maine.gov), the misuse of Maine as ‘strictly liberal’ is exposed. 

Portland has eight state legislative districts, and in 2008 all eight were secured by Democrats. In Portland District 117, Democrat Ann Haskell defeated Republican Philip Haskell with 75% of the vote. In District 118, Democrat Jon Hinck defeated Republican Joshua Miller with 74% of the vote. In District 119, Democrat Herbert Adams defeated Republican Ryan Hendrickson with 87% of the vote. In District 114, Democrat Peter Stuckey defeated Republican David Fernald with 72% of the vote, and similar percentiles followed in the remaining three districts (Election Results). As seen, the Democratic victories in Portland’s eight districts were won handily; keeping in mind this matches the Democratic surge across the country. On the other hand, 2010 illustrated some changes in Portland; District 116 gave Democrat Denise Harlow the victory by 56% of the vote. In District 115, Democrat Steve Lovejoy won by 54% of the vote, and in District 119, Democrat Jill Barkley lost with 46% of the vote (Election Results). With the margins of victory for Democrats slimming in 2010, Portland supported seven of the eight Democratic candidates.With this said, one would expect a lack of success for Pingree in Portland. Without available data of city-by-city voting results, Cumberland county (which Portland’s population is the majority of) gave Pingree 59% of their vote in 2010 (Maine Votes ). While in 2008, Pingree, running against Republican Charlie Summers, received 56% of Cumberland’s vote (Election Results). The percentiles run closely to one another, but the sheer fact that Pingree received more support from the Portland region in 2010 than in 2008 provides further indication that Maine only adopts certain national trends in its voting.

Additional comparisons can be made from the 1994 election that was later labeled the “Republican Revolution.” Herrnson refers to the causes of political power shifts; “Hostile sentiments directed at congressional Democrats and President Bill Clinton led to the Republican takeover of Congress in 1994. Disapproval of the performance of President Bush, congressional Republicans, and the war in Iraq helped the Democrats reclaim... 12 years later” (Herrnson 21). In spite of the “hostile sentiments,” Maine’s 1994 congressional races were not easily handed to Republicans. In 1994’s District 1 House race Republican Jim Longley won 52% to Democrat Dennis Dutremble’s 48% (Election Results). Yet, in District 2’s House race Democrat John Baldacci won 45.7% to Republican Richard Bennett’s 40.7%. And in the gubernatorial race, Republican candidate Susan Collins received a mere 23.1% of the vote while Independent Angus King defeated Democrat James Brennen 35.4% to 33.8%. The New York Times said of the election, “Everyone who follows politics in this unpredictable state has been somewhat surprised by the turn of events...” (Rosenbaum 1). The “unpredictable” state continues the practice of this sort of voting behavior. During the congressional election in 2010, Mainers voted in a comparable manner for governor. Democrat Libby Mitchell received only 19% of the vote, and Republican Paul LePage eked out a 38% to 37% victory over Independent Eliot Cutler (Races 1).  Again, it is reiterated that Pingree managed a handsome victory for reelection despite Democratic control exchanged to Republicans in almost every other aspect.

As to why Pingree surfaces as a victorious candidate among Democratic agony, one can look at the several factors that contributed to her successful campaign for reelection. First and foremost, she was the incumbent candidate. Although incumbents were not popular in 2010, Herrnson says, “Even during the tidal wave elections of 1994 and 2006, more than 90 percent of all House members and and 85 percent of all senators who sought to remain in office were able to do so...” (Herrnson 22). 

Secondly, media coverage and other communications focused their attention on the gubernatorial race; LePage garnered the majority of election coverage with his shrewd remarks and controversial property tax history. In regards to this ‘under the radar’ election, Herrnson says, “In the absence of spirited, high-intensity elections, most voters use “voting cues”--shortcuts that enable them to cast a ballot without engaging in a lengthy decision-making process. The most frequently used voting cue is incumbency” (Herrnson 198). With minimal attraction to the race in the overall arena, voters tend to vote uninformed; for instance, Herrnson says, “in an open-seat House contest, about 37 percent of all voters can remember both candidates’ names” (Herrnson 197). Pingree had two key components for gathering votes: the voting of incumbency and presumably name recognition. 

Although Herrnson says, “The negative news stories generated by scandal or an association with scandal can put a campaign on the defensive and prevent it from communicating the candidate’s message for the remainder of the race,” a private-jet scandal may have benefited Pingree (Herrnson 238). Scontras’ campaign produced claims that Pingree dejected House Ethics Committee’s rules by flying on a corporate jet owned by her fiance. In response, as the Bangor Daily News reports, “She quelled the furor by producing a letter from the House Ethics Committee saying the fights were acceptable...” (Curtis 1). However, Scontras made it a focal issue of his campaign while Pingree moved forward to press home the ‘issues.’ In this case, Herrnson’s point regarding scandal distracted the innocent (Scontras) rather than the one (Pingree) accused of scandal.

Next, the notion that most elections see two candidates with polar stances on issues was not entirely true in the District 1 race this November. Herrnson says, “When both candidates campaign mainly on valence issues, the dialogue can be like a debate between the nearly identical Tweedledee and Tweedledum. That would be unusual, as most candidates select policy positions associated with their party and so are on opposing sides on most issues” (Herrnson 212). While both candidates had definable differences in values, Scontras moved towards the middle during a year when uniform conservatives were preferable. In fact, it is interesting that the Tea-party advocated for Scontras given his more moderate stances on issues compared to his 2008 Republican primary race for District 1 U.S. Rep.  In a comparison of debates, Scontras answers in 2008 that he is the only ‘pro-life’ candidate, for a constitutional amendment banning gay marriage, and for off-shore drilling. In 2010, Scontras says that the right to have an abortion has been upheld by the Supreme Court, gay marriage should be decided by the states, and he is flat-out not in favor of off-shore drilling (The Real Dean Scontras 1). Unlike LePage (also a Tea-party backed candidate) who stood by off-shore drilling and pro-life stances and received victory, Scontras distanced himself from what he believe hindered his 2008 bid for office.

Lastly, money like all democratic campaigns proved to be an important factor. Especially for Pingree, as Herrnson says, “A typical incumbent’s campaign--one waged by a candidate who faces stiff competition in neither the primary nor the general election--will generally engage in heavy fundraising early and then allow this activity to taper off as it becomes clear that the candidate is not in jeopardy” (Hernnson 178). Both candidates saved money through having no primary opponents, and this led to Pingree out-raising and out-spending Scontras. She raised $1,013,040 and spent $732,501; Scontras raised $361,166 and spent $305,970 (Maine Profile 1). $345,650 alone was raised via contributions from Pingree’s Web site (Maine Profile 1).

All in all, Pingree managed survival during an election cycle filled with angst and impatience for the promised ‘changed.’ In this midst of the second-coming of the ‘Republican Revolution,’ Mainers sent a Democrat back to Washington and gave the GOP control of the state for this first time since 1960. The repercussions of Republican control aligns with what Herrnson says tends to happen under such condition, “Uncompetitive House districts are often the product of a highly political redistricting process. In states where one party controls both governorship and the state legislator, partisan gerrymandering is often used to maximize the number of House seats the dominant party can win” (Herrnson 23). Time will tell whether or not Maine faces redistricting to benefit future GOP candidates, and if Pingree can again receive another stint in Washington.

Works Cited

Baiz, Dan. "The Republican Takeover in the States." Washington Post. 14 Nov. 2010. Web. 16 Nov. 2010. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/ 2010/11/13/AR2010111304276.html

Curtis, Abigail. "1st District Voters Return Pingree to U.S. House Seat." Bangor Daily News. 02 Nov. 2010. Web. 16 Nov. 2010. http://new.bangordailynews.com/ 2010/11/02/ politics/1st-district-house-hopefuls-see-race-get-tighter/.

"Election Results." Maine.gov. Web. 16 Nov. 2010. 

<http://www.maine.gov/sos/cec/elec/prior1st.htm>.

Hand, By. "Maine Vote." Bangor Daily News. Web. 16 Nov. 2010. 

http://maineelections.bangordailynews.com/?County=C.

Herrnson, Paul S. Congressional Elections: Campaigning at Home and in Washington. Washington, D.C.: CQ, 2008. Print.

"Maine Profile." The New York Times. 16 Nov. 2010. Web. 16 Nov. 2010. 

http://elections.nytimes.com/2010/house/maine/1.

"Races." The Portland Press Herald. Web. 16 Nov. 2010. 

http://www.pressherald.com/votes/results/US_House.html.

"The Real Dean Scontras." Chellie Pingree for Congress. Web. 16 Nov. 2010. 

http://www.chelliepingree.com/pages/the-real-dean-scontras/?source=e1.

Robinson, Steve. "Can a Republican Revolution save the State of Maine?" The Bowdoin Orient. 12 Nov. 2010. Web. 16 Nov. 2010.

<http://orient.bowdoin.edu/orient/article.php?date=&section=2&id=2>.

Rosenbaum, David. "THE 1994 CAMPAIGN: MAINE; In an Unpredictable State, the Senate Race Appears Predictable - New York Times." The New York Times. 29 Oct. 1994. Web. 16 Nov. 2010. http://www.nytimes.com/1994/10/29/us/1994-campaign-maine-unpredictable-state-senate-race-appears-predictable.html.

Health care: A fundamental protection

Health care: A fundamental protection

“...we still must lay the bedrock foundations for a new national health care system for all our people. The need for action is critical for far too many of our citizens. The time for action is now,” said President Richard Nixon in a “Special Message to the Congress on Health Care” on March 2, 1972. 

Providing reform to the American health care system of principals and practices has long been a part of the national agenda, from President Harry Truman’s 1949 “Fair Deal” to Nixon’s call for reform, to the overhaul presented and approved by Congress this spring; both political persuasions have recognized a need for health care reform. And both parties stand valid with this notion.

However, the success in completing and achieving such reform has led to failure during past presidencies except for the massive overhaul approved by Congress this spring under the Obama Administration. Truman’s proposal essentially fell apart with few aspects becoming law. President Jimmy Carter, President Bill Clinton, and Nixon lost in their endeavors for health care reform. With both sides, presenting legislation over the last 60 years one must ask: Why a lack of success? I would argue that achieving a health care overhaul represents an eternal linkage for a party to addressing one of the most important issues facing Americans. As stated by Ezra Klein in Taking Sides: Political Issues, “The subject’s famed complexity is a function of the forces protecting the status quo, not the issue itself.” (Klein, 182)

Disregarding the political battles, the issue must be discussed in the light of why such reform is needed. An estimated 45 million Americans have no medical coverage and an overwhelming 100 million are not adequately insured for major or long-term illness or disability. (McKenna, 180) For 45 million Americans without medical coverage and another 100 million with inadequate coverage, the “denial of care when health and life are at stake is fundamentally life-denying.” (Lakoff, 67) The opposing argument to reform would argue that a national health care system “would do a poor job, deny individuals the right to choose their own physician, and make the system much more costly.” (McKenna, 181) While this rhetoric can be broken down (as it will be later in my argument), it can be simply stated that in any case, all people would have the capacity to receive coverage rather than have no capacity at all.

Contrary to the system becoming more costly under reform, “Canada, France, Great Britain, and Germany all cover their entire populations, and they do so for far less money than we spend.” (Klein, 182) In addition, the pharmaceuticals being smuggled across the Canadian border by American seniors are not only the same company-produced drugs from the United States, they are sold for far less; Americans pay 60 percent more than Canadians do. (Klein, 183) The figures prove the suggestion that health care reform in the United States to be “more costly” is not valid. As countries with universal health care reforms spend less to cover more, and medication sells for far less, the validity to a health care reform proves more sustainable.

In regards to the “ever so long lines,” Canadian health care reform, which is not considered one of the strongest of the health care reforms, challenges this notion. A 2003 study revealed that elective surgeries and diagnostic tests took three to four weeks in relation to waiting, while the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development in 2001 found that 32 percent of Americans waited for over four months (not including the millions who lack coverage, and don’t seek help). In addition, no wait times in Canada existed for emergency surgeries. (Klein, 183) Also, France, a country with a highly touted health care system, its citizens visit a physician on average, six times a year; whereas, Americans make visits 2.8 times. Per capita, France spends half on health coverage compared to America. (Klein, 184). All in all, the misconception of long lines settles upon a central point: “If you can’t see a doctor in the first place, you never have to wait for treatment.” (Klein, 183)

Next, the accusation that federal health care would not serve Americans with quality professionals, medicine, innovations, and so forth, all are made with no substance. According to the Jounrnal of the American Medical Association, English people suffer from lower rates of diabetes, hypertension, heart disease, heart attack, stroke, lung disease, and cancer. (Klein, 186). The opposition presents statistics regarding infant mortality amongst Americans being higher than that of other countries, not as result of poor medical coverage, but “to such factors as race, geography, income, and education... These factors have nothing to do with quality of (or access to) health care.” (Goodman, 193). I would argue that the factors mentioned have everything to do with health care. As health care can be directly tied back to race (minorities represent 52 percent of uninsured according to Families USA), income (medical expenses and bills uncovered by insurance combat wealth), and education (families with disabilities and chronic illness face larger struggles in obtaining a focus for education).

While the opposition presents rhetoric against reform, they do little to offer propositions. “Advocates of national health insurance would do well to look at how countries like Germany, Sweden, and Australia are choosing free-market reforms to alleviate the problems of their national health systems.” (Goodman, 199). First off, the statement praises countries that were earlier criticized for their reform, and secondly, it suggests some sort of “free-market reform” without ever presenting the meaning and implications of such reform.

Even without clear definition of “free-market reform,” the problems with relying on free-market can be exposed. Nixon White House tapes cite a discussion regarding a health care company and its policies. Nixon expresses praise for less care being provided to Americans and administrators making more money. This shows “...what conservatives think one is supposed to do--use your entrepreneurial skills to make money any way that’s legal.” (Lakoff, 67)

While combating the fallacies presented by the opposition, it would be ignorant to not simply study the absolute and undeniable need for this reform. George Lakoff’s The Political Mind presents a logical argument for reform. He says, “Is police protection a commodity? Should you have to buy your police protection, say, from competing security services? Burglars? With guns? Sorry, you’re not up to date on your premiums. You’ll just have to let them rob you, or maybe kill you.” (Lakoff, 66) He continues by asking the same of fire protection, and the point is made clear. It is simply illogical to believe that police and fire do anymore of a service to the people than health care would and should. Those opposing health care reform say that they wish not to pay taxes for other Americans’ health care coverage. I must ask, do they complain about paying for putting out someone else’s fire? In addition, “the issue is not just a matter of cost, though one-third of the cost of private health care goes for profit and administration, while Medicare only spends 3 percent on administration and none on profiteering,” it is a fundamental right. (Lakoff, 67)

All in all, denying Americans, the suffering of Americans, the high medical costs charged to Americans, and the coverage not applying to the needs of Americans, demands action on the part of government. The debate of decades must end, and answers must be provided. Comprehensive and affordable coverage must serve every American. If America fails to generate wellness, then it fails to compete on the global scale, and it pulls away its own life support--its own protection.

“[I]f health care is seen as protection--on par with police and fire protection, food safety, and so on--then it becomes part of the moral mission of government...” (Lakoff, 68)

Bibliography

Ezra, Klein. Taking Sides. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2011. Print.

Goodman, John C. Taking Sides. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2011. Print.

Lakoff, George. The Political Mind: Why You Can't Understand 21st-century Politics with an 18th-century Brain. New York: Viking, 2008. Print.

McKenna, George, and Stanley Feingold. Taking Sides. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2011. Print.

Memory of discontent

(The book, Pilgrim at Tinker Creek can be read on Google Books)

“Curiosity gets the best of us,” or so they say. Innocence is the domineering element that wanders in the darkest shadows of every person, maybe even within that curiosity. This innocence, it lingers with good intentions, it appears with unfortunate results. An element purely depicted like innocence, bears such evil consequences.


Annie Dillard's excerpt from “The Fixed” in Pilgrim at Tinker Creek is the entity of this very innocence that causes such guilt at the hands of its outcome. Dillard recollects a childhood memory of a moth's cocoon which in the curiosity of children was given a detour in fate, and in the protection of a glass jar was paralyzed into misery.

In the excerpt, Dillard presents her memory with a conviction of the innocence playing such a murderous role on the abrupt interference with natural cycles. Dillard uses finespun rhetorical strategies to produce her discontent and guilt regarding the innocence and the implications on natural cycles.

First, Dillard makes use of invigorating imagery throughout the excerpt. This imagery develops the innocence of the students, and splashes color on this portrait of the moth. In line 2 of paragraph 1, Dillard immediately exposes her desire to add a lot of imagery to the excerpt, she states the month is January, but continues by adding the description of “doily snowflakes taped to the schoolroom panes.” As the reader, you develop the sense that the children are young, and it is just a normal, innocent classroom. It is an image that almost anyone can relate to, and it feathers the situation for what comes later in the text. By adding this minute imagery, Dillard creates her guilt later in text by giving contrast to what the children should be acting like in this learning environment to how they interfered with a natural cycle. She shows how she now knows as an adult that the innocent behavior they performed in an elementary setting only gives her remorse and discontent with the situation. Like the previous example, Dillard's explanation of the moth's character creates a foundation for Dillard to later tear down the innocence with her attitude of guilt and discontent. “The Polyphemus moth in the picture looked like a mighty wraith, a beating essence of the hardwood forest, alien-skinned and brown, with spread, blind eyes,” (Line 11, Paragraph 1). The preceding example is the imagery that Dillard uses to make clear what the moth will look like. A very important piece to this imagery is the “mighty wraith” that she outlines. The addition of strength to the moth, only makes the disruption of its natural cycle all the more solidified. It is important that Dillard doesn't just use the moth's strength to create its image, but also she uses many descriptions of beauty which again develops the guilt and discontent she reveals later in the text. She provides powerful imagery with a delicate touch, and then uses this imagery as a base on which to reveal her discomfort. The images she provides in the beginning is a specific strategy she designs to lead into the image of the moth crawling down the driveway. This last line of the excerpt is the brain-child of several rhetorical devices, but they all act in summing up the author's guilt. The guilt being enlarged at the end is powered by the imagery that she had used at the beginning of this excerpt as mentioned.

Speaking of the last line, it is the last line that uses repetition demandingly which lets all the light shine on her guilt for the situation and her uneasiness of this final image. “The Polyphemus moth is still crawling down the driveway, crawling down the driveway hunched, crawling down the driveway on six furred feet, forever,” (Line 44, Paragraph 6). When Dillard writes this line, she puts to paper her own replay of an image she cannot extinguish from her memory. The moth in reality is not at all still crawling, but within her own memory, within this text it is “forever” crawling. This line distinguishes guilt in a bold fashion; this is the line that concludes her attitude and the effect she and her classmates had on this moth's natural life cycle. Another thing that makes this line powerful is the fact that it wasn't something she had seen happen, she observed the moth receding down the driveway for a short while, but the repetition of it crawling is something she thought to be inevitable. The inevitability she infers only projects the depth to which they interfered with the moth's life. The use of repetition makes the line stick out to the reader, and it is able to drive at the importance it has on the author. It is one of those lines that can't be forgotten; it is one of the only lines in the text that really drives throughly at emotion, attitude, and impact. Another use of repetition in the excerpt is the point of this very large moth, she uses its name, Polyphemus, nearly each time she refers to the moth, and she describes it to have strength and legs “shaggy as a bear's.” When Dillard continuously makes reference to the moth's size and strength with a simile like the bear example, she exemplifies her discontent to how young innocent students were able to disrupt this large creation's life. This excerpt is in large scale a repetition of a memory that Dillard would seemingly rather forget.

Next, Dillard's style of syntax reveals her attitude towards the innocence and the interference of natural cycles. Her short sentence structure at the beginning of all the paragraphs, except for the first and last, many times shapes the path in which she slowly reveals her guilt and discontent. “It was coming. There was no stopping it now, January or not,” (Line 22, Paragraph 3). The beginning to this paragraph exposes Dillard's guilt in a very straight forward, reality directive. She makes reference to her discomfort with the situation that she caused by warming the cocoon, and also brings forth the guilt that comes when you are the cause of something bad. The sentence structure puts forth the scenario at hand, and allows for Dillard to be held at large for her disruption in a natural cycle. “The teacher fades, the classmates fade, I fade;” (Line 24, Paragraph 3). This line's specific sentence structure, and arrangement expresses Dillard's attitude of the subject. Dillard first of all uses herself last in the sentence; by doing so, she sheds light on the importance of the event to her life. It shows the reader that this event is truly imprinted upon her memory. Like the context of the sentence, the line seems to descend and also fade away, and if she uses “I” first, the longer words at the end would hinder the effect of the fading tone. In conjunction to her attitude, this sentence structure portrays Dillard as the focus, and by doing so, Dillard's craft ministers her guilt and discontent on the burden placed on the moth through an innocent disruption of its life. Dillard's syntax ultimately flows together well in order to create the ever lasting final image of the moth's forever journey.

In her use of diction, Dillard creates a parallel of words that would make reference to her adult-self, and words that can be associated to a young innocent child. For example in line 16 of paragraph 2, Dillard uses the words “warmed” and “squirmed,” these are words that would be used by a young child. When placed in the situation of the text; it only makes sense for Dillard to use these words, because she is attempting to relieve the guilt from her adulthood onto her childhood. She understands that the movement of the moth were clear signs to not continue to hold the moth so tightly, yet she does, thus disrupting a natural cycle. Dillard's guilt in the situation causes her to avoid the memory by fading it with childish verbs. In line 23 of paragraph 3, Dillard uses the words “frayed” and “furious,” these are words that would be coming from the adult version of herself. By using these words, Dillard is taking notice of the situation, and with the focus zeroed in on the moth, it means that the guilt doesn't have to be applied to her childhood. However, the two words still provide that point of the moth's strength, and in turn relates back to Dillard's intrusion of the natural cycle. Although she tries to advert her guilt, like the memory, like the moth crawling, it is inevitable.

Lastly, a language device that Dillard uses becomes a directive towards her attitude of innocence and its disruption of natural cycles. Dillard uses the teacher as a symbolic figure of the topic at hand. She turns the teacher, the authority figure, into the person that stands by and is ignorant towards what is happening. “She put it, still heaving and banging, in the ubiquitous Mason jar,” (Line 21, Paragraph 2). “Someone—it must have been the teacher—had let the moth out,” (Line 39, Paragraph 5). These two lines show an obvious ignorant character, who had not known what to do in any situation regarding the moth. The teacher had let the kids take the cocoon, because they were getting restless, and then she allowed them to warm it without supervision causing it to breakout too soon. These descriptions are symbolic to the people that choose to avoid problems, or only do what they feel is satisfactory for the moment. This depiction of the teacher supports a part of Dillard's attitude of discontent with having a teacher, who took no recognition of the opposing results of her actions on the moth's natural cycle. There is a sense of frustration from Dillard to the teacher, but by assuming the teacher let the moth go, it is interrupted that Dillard already knows the teacher to lack in responsibility as an authority figure.

Dillard's guilt and discontent is intertwined in her rhetorical strategies in order for them to be read as her deciding attitude of innocence and its interference of natural cycles. The rhetoric embodies her attitude and gives way to the address of innocence and its effects. Ultimately, the attitude leads to successfully sending the message of thinking about your innocent actions, because the results might be the moth forever crawling.

A mirror for empathy

THE STORY: http://www.oregonlive.com/mask/


The humming of the projector sounds, it illuminates an image onto the screen, and each word dictates the birth of the next frame. Whether it be through the sound of one's words, or the ever lasting wave of text, language is the soul for the manifestation of entry to another's life.

Like the character, who rises from poverty to establish a place in this world, a relationship is developed with the audience. An audience, that has probably never personally experienced the hardships, and deniable tastes of homelessness, is immersed into the heart of the man. It isn't a feeling of grief that holds one side by side with the character, it is the art of the intellectual use of language that places the reader into the identity of the subject.

In Tom Hallman's article, The Boy Behind the Mask, language powers the projector, and its reader is traced through the life of Sam Lightner. The boy's life seems impossible to coincide with readers, but Hallman turns an article for a daily newspaper into a mirror for empathy.

“People will forget what you said, people will forget what you did, but people will never forget how you made them feel.”-Bonnie Jean Wasmund

As I read this article, with an eye scoped for the design of Hallman's use of language in conjunction with the production of empathy, a theme is noticed that isn't blatant to the forefront of the article, but is very much relevant. It is this theme of Sam that Hallman creates which becomes the catalyst of empathy. Sam impacts those around him, changing their lives, and leaving an impression that can never be forgotten. It is this theme that sits as the source for empathy, but certainly it is the language devices within the text that are the building blocks to the success of creating the entity of this empathy.

There is not one use of a language device that out weighs the other; they embody each other, fulfilling the portrait painted by Hallman. Sentence structure in the article plays a distinctive role, and stands as the facade to the article. Hallman does not use many sentences that are long or complex, because he doesn't want the tone of explanation to set in. If Hallman were to explain a lot, the article's effect changes, and it takes the reader out of the text. Hallman keeps things simple in sentence length, but does not allow it to prevent the intelligence of the sentences. The sentences remain powerful, and thoughtfully designed.

“But this boy, a 5-foot, 83-pound waif, has learned never to draw attention to himself. He moves like smoke.” (Paragraph 2, Part I)

In the above excerpt, Hallman begins his sentence with “But,” not allowing it to connect with the sentence before, and does not combine the last sentence with the sentence that precedes. This gives emphasis on the fact that Sam avoids drawing interest to himself, and then more importantly the simile of Sam to smoke. If the sentences were to be all one, the affect it holds on the reader changes greatly, and the emphasis of each part is lost. In order to develop empathy, it is important for Hallman to keep the reader in the atmosphere of the events; explanation and long sentences just becomes a distraction. Instead, the description of Sam's size, and how he avoids being the center of attention connects itself to the simile without the use of conjunctions.

“All the blue veins showing through Sam's waxen skin worried him.” (Paragraph 76, Part II)

The above line is an example to the specific arrangement of words in a sentence. The line above is one of many sentences that are designed for the way Hallman wants them to be read. If the sentence read, “He was worried of the blue veins showing through Sam's waxen skin,” the influence on the reader changes. By providing the description of the veins within this “waxen skin” at the beginning of the sentence, the reader is able to draw the image, and then also feel the worry that Dr. Mulliken feels. In this case, rather than feeling empathy for Sam, you are able to identify with the worry of Dr. Mulliken thanks to the precise sentence structure.

I also hinted above to the pacing of this article, and the sentence structure plays a part in dictating the speed of the writing. Again, to the first example above, if all of it becomes one sentence structure, the pace changes dramatically, and throughout the writing the changes in speed are noticed. One of the areas, where the pace of the article sees a distinctive change, is during Part III, and the intensity of the surgery. Unlike, the rest of the article, this part consisted of rarely any extra details not relevant directly to what was happening. The rest of the article consists of transitions of extra details and background information, but this scene had bared an anxious and pressured pace. The significance of the pacing in scenes, such as the surgery, is to again, put the reader in the text. If Hallman adds a bunch of extra stuff to a climatic scene, the reader would not feel the empathy towards what is happening. However, during the surgery it is a natural physical and mental feeling as if you were actually in the surgery room. The bags of blood that signify time, but also the pressure on the doctors. The search for the nerves, and the hope not to cut one. The feeling that it is an improbable surgery, but still the desire to move forward remains. It is all created through this fast moving scene, and the empathy that is stimulated is not for Sam, but you are toe to toe with the surgeons. Yes, you are pulling for Sam to make it, but that is why the doctors continue with time closing in on them, it is all or nothing. It is this part of this article, where language is highly crafty, and the empathy is felt strongly.

“She wept.” (Paragraph 67, Part I)

It is a transition like the one above that Hallman uses extremely effectively. First of all, it creates a unique structure, a two word sentence with so much meaning. The organization of using lines like this one, gives the reader an opportunity to shift with the text. It also signifies to the reader that there is some importance to why the line has been left all alone. When you read the section, and then you hit the transition, it provides the full impact of what is happening. This transition followed a description of Mrs. Lightner covering up the deformity on Sam's face in a picture to see what he was suppose to look like; it hits hard, but the simplicity of the sentence gives delicacy to the situation. All of this contributes to the empathy of the specific example, which is the wonder to why it is her son that has been given such a burden, and the sadness of knowing he is going to have to live with it the rest of his life. It is a feeling that can only be created through the specific organization Hallman uses.

Another very obvious thing that Hallman does with organization, he uses the order in which the events take place. He doesn't take the ending put it first, he starts with the present building the reader's connection to the 14-year old Sam, and then goes to his birth, and then takes off from there. He doesn't go day by day, or year by year, but he highlights the meaningful events of the overlaying article. This organization creates empathy by establishing the reader with a sense of knowing the history, it is difficult to relate to something that you don't have the knowledge of, but Hallman assures his reader with what is happening, and then from there he creates the empathy through the events in Sam's life.

“The mass was soft. It jiggled. Debbie thought it looked like Jell-O.” (Paragraph 64, Part 1)

There is an abundance of literary devices in this piece that enhances the clarity of imagery. It builds the feeling of actually being apart of what is happening. In the example above, Hallman describes Debbie's experience of touching the deformity when Sam was an infant. This description introduces the reader to the mass that would be otherwise difficult to picture, but it can be conceived in this simile. Hallman presents “Jell-O” as something most anyone can relate to in order to successfully make the comparison concrete. These images play such an important role to the text, because without them the reader can't capture the atmosphere and can't completely depict the images that they are feeling empathetic towards. A reader needs comparisons of things relative to their own lives that way they can distinguish the items in the text. It is literary devices that complete the empathy of this piece of writing by inviting the reader into the image of each word.

“A huge mass of flesh balloons out from the left side of his face. His left ear, purple and misshapen, bulges from the side of his head. His chin juts forward. The main body of the tissue, laced with blue veins, swells in a dome that runs from sideburn level to chin...” (Paragraph 10, Part I)

This is just one example of several used by Hallman to create imagery for his reader. This one above is easily the best in the article. First, he uses it at the beginning of the article which is going to be a bit of shock for his reader; he doesn't ease into it, and by not doing so he makes his reader judge just like everyone else that meets Sam would. The imagery however, is very clear, and the reader is able to quickly come to terms of just what this deformity looks like. As the reader you can almost feel this growth on your own face which develops the empathy of being Sam. It is powerful imagery like this that holds the boldest impact on the reader, and gives them a passage towards empathy. If there was never a description of the deformity, it would be nearly impossible to feel the burden placed upon Sam which means feeling empathetic also becomes difficult; reasons why imagery is needed to solidify a connection to the article and ultimately empathy.

“The 14-year old lay motionless in his bed at Portland's Legacy Emanual Hosipital & Health Center. (Paragraph 2, Part II)

The strong and powerful use of word choice that can be created, like “motionless” in the above line, gives way to the reader's portrait of imagery, and their empathy towards the subject. The informal diction of the writer can or cannot produce the right flow to the piece. In Hallman's article, his word choice is impeccable, because each adjective, each detail, and every word used allows for the successful creation of empathy. In the example, if “motionless” were to be removed, the impact on the reader is entirely different, but with the word, the reader can see the child laying in bed, and they understand his state. Word choice is a device in language that can make or break the affect, and Hallman most definitely makes his article. Each word grabs the reader into the story and leaves them with so many different impressions, and so many images. Without the right word choice, feeling as though you are one with the subject becomes vague. Hallman ensures his piece to be as clear, and definitive as possible giving way to the reader's empathy.

The details that Hallman uses ties into the word choice, and together they make the combined effort of dragging in the reader. In Part II, Hallman sets the reader in the middle of Dr. Marler's plead to get the hospital's top doctors to take on the case. Hallman doesn't simply state that after hours of negotiation and deliberation, they decided...instead he brings the deliberation to the text. He makes it clear that it wasn't something they just said “oh well” to, but it was in fact a highly complicated decision to make. Through details like these, the reader again develops empathy to the specified subject, and can also weigh the situation at hand. Everything comes to life to the reader through Hallman's precise use of details.

“I'll wait,” Sam says firmly. “This is where I belong.” (Paragraph 129, Part IV)

Considering this is a journalist piece of writing, dialogue is a must, but what it adds to this piece is just a tremendous bonus. This truly brings the text to the reader, and establishes the feeling of everything happening in the present. Hallman uses dialogue extensively through the surgical procedure which further advanced that scene, because the doctors set the mood for the difficult and dangerous surgery. In the line above, Hallman uses a piece of dialogue from Sam that gives parallelism to this piece, because at one point Sam is trying to keep himself unnoticed, but in this part, a shift in behavior is experienced. Through the use of dialogue the reader is only more compelled to feel empathy towards the piece, because the words of the characters speak so much more loudly than the anything else in the text. It brings character to the characters, and allows the reader to make identifications with them. An understanding is created, and through the words of the characters, the reader is engulfed by the writing. The overall feeling and emotions are felt by the reader when Hallman uses these quotes to establish the full interaction of each time frame.

Through a boy with a deformity that never seemed to relate to anyone, Hallman uses Sam's life to create empathy in the reader, and leave the footprint of Sam on the hearts of everyone.

With language at hand Hallman holds us to a mirror of empathy.

The lone survivor

(Could not provide the passage, you'll have to go purchase Rachel Carson's book, The Rocky Coast)

The structure's name is rightfully given, a skyscraper. Walking through the city that never sleeps, and looking up at the buildings that never end, the view casts a roaring shadow on all that rests below. It fuels your mind to question, how it is that the half-an-inch long ant exists in contrast with the 1,000 foot tall giants.

In the passage from The Rocky Coast by Rachel Carson, Carson immerses into a natural formation unmasking the world that fits within its closure. A place unknown to the world is penetrated by harsh waves, the tides shift in and out, and the rock walls expand until the pain of dislocation is felt. It is not just the timeless rock that constructs this sea cave, there is life inside that also endures the inevitable crashing of the tides.

Carson channels an abundance of description, creating a distinct imagery of a dynamic existence. She takes the description and fuses language instruments into her writing which gives voice to her message. The message is that in an unkind reality, the appearing dominance is not always the survivor. The simplest of organisms continue to leave the largest footprint on the chronology of this planet.

The foundation of this writing is laid by the accumulation of description and detail. Carson in every facet of the passage constructs her use of other devices from the description and detail she provides. Through the use of this detail and its connection to other language devices, Carson is able to project her message to the reader. “The waters of the pool are never still. Their level changes not only gradually with the rise and fall of the tide, but also abruptly with the pulse of the surf.” (Line 24, Paragraph 4). Carson's description of the waters in which engulf the cave supports the impact of her message. She shows the strength that the water holds, and later exemplifies the small simplistic sponge, who has survived in this destructive environment for centuries. In addition, as in the example of the description of the water, Carson uses very specific word choice, and develops an important use of imagery. Carson's choosing of the word, “abruptly” provides emphasis on the unpredictability of a powerfully independent tide, and in turn solidifies her description. The way in which Carson's description overlaps into other language devices leaves much discussion in her one use of this language device.

Another language device that Carson uses to convey her message is her tone. More importantly, it is the fact that she uses a shift in tone in the piece which outlines her message. “Waves entering a confined space always concentrate all their tremendous force for a driving upward leap: in this manner the roof of the caves are gradually battered away.” (Line 55, Paragraph 9). At this point in the passage, Carson is still using a tone that enrages the waves, and gives portrayal of its dominance. She creates this cave of constant movement, and the life inside forever struggling for survival. She provides an example of the mussels that are attached to the cave's ceiling; they fasten themselves to the top with the inclination to never let go. “As I lie and look into the pool there are moments of relative quiet, in the intervals when one wave has receded and the next has not yet entered. Then I can hear the small sounds:...” (Line 69, Paragraph 10). This line shows a distinct shift in tone. Carson is now leading to something; she is driving at her point. She takes this place of endless commotion, and turns it into an almost silent existence. It is within this shift of tone that Carson is setting the stage for the introduction of the main character to her overriding message. It is this creature, even more hidden than the cave itself, that has survived in silence for an overwhelming number of years. This new tone leaves Carson a path in which to present her message without deception.

Continuing from the shift in tone, Carson then provides a repetition of one specific word choice. “But seemingly most fragile of all are the little calcareous sponges that here and there exist among the seaweeds.” (Line 91, Paragraph 16). The repeated concept of fragility develops a structure for which Carson can render the message of the simplistic sponge living like a vase on the brink of falling to the floor. Carson describes many of these creatures in the cave as fragile, and most of those she considers fragile are the creatures of smaller size. The baby mussels are presented as fragile, which is interesting , because earlier in the text the adult mussels are shown to be almost senseless creatures. Carson then fixes her lens directly on the sponge's fragility. By focusing on the sponge, she is able to later present its long existence on Earth. This repetition hits a specific idea over and again, until Carson drives the reasoning of the repetition into the ground. Another example of repetition used by Carson in a more discrete way is the creation of some sort of mystery. “Perhaps behind a thick curtain of concealing weeds.” (Line 4, Paragraph 1). The repetition of an underlying question, a presence gone missing, is placed within the text for the reader to find. What this does to the text is makes the reader question there own strength. Something that humans (“to the view of the casual passer-by”) have ignored is forced into reflection by Carson's repetition of such an unknown world. Carson follows up on this questioning by providing the reality of humans time on this planet to be insufficient, and despite the dominance we present, not even we can survive in all environments. “The concealing weeds” represents our denial to the truth of our existence. Carson crafts this questioning, and presentation of denial from the beginning and carries it throughout, and finally shows it as she lifts the curtain on the fragile, but long existing sponge.

A final key to the passage is the metaphor Carson uses to depict the sponge as a clock which seeks no set ending point. “But it is the sponges that give to the cave and its pool their special quality—the sense of a continuing flow of time.” (Line 104, Paragraph 18). It is this direct reference to the sponges timeless structure that conveys Carson's message of the fragile, simple, concealed creature outlasting the most domineering life forms. Carson continues off of this line by describing how the sponge is unchanged, and she makes a highly probable prediction by saying they will remain this way for thousands of more years. “...all that remains when the living tissue is gone—are found in the first fossil bearing rocks...” ( Line 113, Paragraph 19). This line alludes back to the sponge's endless existence, and it adds emphasis to even when the sponge is gone, it will remain apart of the cave. This entire creation of the sponge's durability leaves the reader with Carson's final line, which unlike the rest of the passage uses a specific syntax. “The tide was rising.” (Line 124, Paragraph 22). This line is very short, unlike the rest of the sentence structure, but it is forward, discrete, and leaves the impact of the message. The line embodies the message that the all so powerful human, who believes to be immortal, can't endure, and cast its shadow over all aspects of life. When the tide rises, unlike the sponge that has called the destructive cave home, the human must exit. The line also provides reference back to the short existence of humans on the time line of Earth, and the ever immortal existence of such a simple lone survivor.

As the waves crash, as the tide swirls with anger, it isn't the man who built the ever so large building that survives. As the buildings come toppling down, the simple fixtures of life, the sponge will forever be the guest to this planet.